Return to Nuke Notes Index | Columns | Features | Sonoma County Free Press Home Page

Nuke Notes Revisited

Riding the War Pony in Ward Valley
Native Americans Occupy Proposed Nuclear Dump Site

By Tori Woodard

On February 13, 1998, the five Tribes in the Colorado River Native Nations Alliance and their allies began a spiritual occupation of Ward Valley, California. The federal government tried to close Ward Valley to the public on that day, in order to test for tritium in the sediments under the site of a proposed radioactive waste dump. The testing would have desecrated land that is sacred to the Tribes.

This article will describe the unique resistance tactics used by the Colorado River Native Nations Alliance, then explore some of the issues that have come up in this multi-cultural fight for environmental justice.

The most unique development in this struggle is the local Native Americans' use of ritual as a blockade tactic. On the night of February 13, traditional singers and dancers performed ancient songs about the Mojave desert in the middle of the road leading to the proposed dump site. These songs are sacred to the Tribes, and can be compared to the Psalms in the Bible. Singing the songs is akin to singing in a church choir, and singing them in Ward Valley is akin to singing hymns in a cathedral.

Tribal members believe they originated from Spirit Mountain north of Ward Valley, so the entire area is sacred to them.

When the Tribes asserted their right to perform religious ceremonies on this land, the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) was stumped. The Clinton Administration would not look good if its agency started arresting little old ladies, especially little old Indian ladies, for conducting religious ceremonies. BLM chose to stay on the other side of the freeway from the occupation, monitoring it from afar for twelve days. BLM finally pulled out altogether, leaving the Native Americans and protesters in control of Ward Valley.

The second key to success for the Tribes was to work closely with environmental activists such as Earth First!, Food Not Bombs, Headwaters, Shundahai Network, former Greenpeace canvassers, and other individuals and groups who had come to Ward Valley on previous occasions for large annual gatherings.

On February 13 and 14, the Tribes placed the environmental activists in the front line, where the activists locked themselves together in a human chain to prevent BLM from removing the Native American Elders. On February 18, when there was another showdown with BLM, the Tribes had the activists put away their lockboxes and join the spiritual ceremonies instead. As it turned out, BLM did not try to remove the occupiers, so the lockboxes would have been useless anyway.

Tribal representatives have repeatedly expressed their appreciation for the activists, who provided the large meeting tents, food, water, sanitation, cellphones, radios, and transportation for the occupation, and tapped their media contacts and extensive organizational networks.

The Tribes came up with a very creative idea for Monday night, February 23. They held a traditional funeral ceremony for a European-American woman, Stormy Williams, who was very active in the campaign to save Ward Valley until her death last summer. Holding a traditional funeral ceremony for a non-Native American is unheard-of; it was intended to bring honor to all of the activists who were present.

Burying Stormy's ashes in Ward Valley also transformed the proposed dump site into a traditional burial ground. (The government has repeatedly rejected the Tribes' claim that this land is sacred because no specific burial sites have been identified there.)

Another important element in the success of the occupation is its aura of militant nonviolence. The Tribes achieved this by inviting American Indian Movement (AIM) groups from Phoenix and Los Angeles to provide security. While these two AIM groups are committed to nonviolence, their visible presence has rattled the government.

A big reward for me in this occupation has been seeing Native Americans grow into their power and assume leadership roles. Shy Tribal women have stayed at the camp, made friends, felt appreciated, realized they were making a difference, and found their voice. They speak up now in large circles and even in front of media cameras.

Equally important is the cultural renaissance that the threat of the dump has accelerated. Tribal youth are more interested in learning traditional songs when the songs are used in a modern battle. Spirit Runs have been revived. These are relay runs along ancient running trails through the desert. The runners pray as they run, reconnecting to the earth and to their ancestors who ran on these same paths. Non-Native supporters are always welcome to participate in the Spirit Runs.

It is heartening to see the five Tribes work together, for there are many centuries-old divisions and animosities among them.

It is exciting to see these isolated Tribes receiving so much regional, national, and even international support from other indigenous groups. They are joining a global network of indigenous people who are fighting for their cultural, religious, human, health, land and water rights. Those connections will serve the Tribes well long after we have defeated the Ward Valley dump project.

It is hopeful to see non-Native Americans working with the Tribes. This is the kind of support that Tribal people need in order to preserve their cultures in today's ever-encroaching consumer society.

This article would not be complete if it glossed over the problems incurred during the occupation. Cross-cultural work is very demanding for every culture involved. I can only speak from my side of the cultural gap. A Native American writer could give you a different perspective.

A major issue around nonviolence arose during the occupation. Several Native American youth said they are not committed to nonviolence if anyone touches the Elders. A Tribal spokesperson confirmed in a radio interview that "things will change" if anyone touches the Elders.

We are still trying to get clarity on this issue from Tribal leaders. If a confrontation with police is in our future, are they committed to having it be nonviolent? If a Tribal member tries to defend an Elder with a violent act, would it be appropriate or inappropriate for the rest of us to intervene?

I should note here that AIM security has strictly enforced our no weapons guideline. People even leave their pocket knives in town when they come out to Ward Valley.

Only two Tribal groups have taken nonviolence training. Efforts to organize nonviolence trainings on other Indian reservations have been met with shrugs and "we don't need that" type of comments.

It has been frustrating to not be able to share the tactics and strategies of nonviolence with Tribal members. On the one hand, not having been trained, they are creating unique new forms of nonviolent resistance. But on the other hand, by not taking the training they may not know simple solidarity tactics that could protect them in Ward Valley, in jail, and in court. And taking the training would help them to understand the activist mentality better.

Being frustrated in our efforts to train people, non-Native co-organizers of the occupation tried another tack. We suggested that the Tribes negotiate with the police to allow Elders to walk unassisted, uncuffed and untouched to a police vehicle if arrests should occur.

The government has stated that it will not try to remove the occupiers if Elders are present. This indicates they are aware of the potentially explosive situation.

The lack of clarity around commitment to nonviolence guidelines presents an organizing dilemma. We need people to come to Ward Valley for the occupation, but we cannot at this point guarantee that it will remain nonviolent.

The second biggest problem for non-Native Americans during the occupation has been following the lead of the Tribes. Many activists who responded to the Tribal call for help with the occupation are used to sharing power.

Tribal representatives have made all of the decisions during the occupation. Non-Native American representatives have occasionally been invited to observe the Tribal meetings, but have had no voice in them. Tribal decisions have been communicated briefly to the non-Native Americans at the camp, who are expected to carry them out without question. Even clarifying questions from non-Native Americans have been perceived as challenges to the decisions, making it difficult for non-Natives to implement the decisions in a culturally sensitive way.

In most cases, clarification of Native American requests has been achieved through one-to-one discussions between Tribal leaders and non-Native supporters. Outside of the public forum of a large meeting, Tribal leaders have been willing to explain their decisions to activists who have earned their trust.

One key organizer left on the eve of the occupation because he believed excluding one-half of the coalition from the decision-making process would violate the principle of direct democracy and would set a bad precedent for future coalitions between Native Americans and non-Natives. Some other activists who stayed, hoping for the best, have become disillusioned and left since. But there are many who remain with the occupation, their love of the land or the people stronger than their discomfort with the process.

The proportion of Native Americans to non-Natives in the occupation rises each day. The activists from far away must inevitably return to their families, their jobs, and their other campaigns. They are being replaced by more and more Tribal members who have never been to Ward Valley before. One Elder asked why there were white people there at all; she came thinking this was an Indian event.

Maybe our multi-cultural occupation was a phase leading to a multi-Tribal occupation. But non-Native activists must not abandon our Native American friends in Ward Valley. We must continue to work on the issues of nonviolence and decision-making, and come quickly to Ward Valley if they need us as witnesses when the government decides enough is enough.

###

Comments? Questions? The authors of Nuke Notes would like to hear from you!	Or email the Sonoma County Free Press
Sonoma County Free Press Home Page . Columns . Features . About the Free Press . Letters to the Editor . Supporters